“I don’t like anyone,” he said, confused by the way health experts in his administration could receive recognition while being accused of ignoring and denying the raging public health crisis.
This is an answer.
On Friday, the president’s strong assessment of his own popularity seemed to have manifested itself in another struggle in other ways:
- Even his most well-known Republican allies flatly rejected his suggestion that the November vote be delayed, some in fact laughed at what, according to most accounts, was a serious (toothless) proposal. of the president harm the election.
- The nation’s civic leadership, including three of Trump’s four living predecessors, gathered without him in Atlanta to pay tribute to the late Rector John Lewis, and made the president’s absence from the meeting visible if not surprising.
- Stimulus talks on Capitol Hill have taken place almost entirely without his participation, and have been notable above all for the misfortune they have exposed among Republicans, many of whom were unpleasantly surprised to learn of the president’s demand for a new FBI building that was included in the final proposal.
- At a closed-door hearing on Friday, intelligence officials working in the Trump administration itself discounted the possibility of foreign countries massively producing fake ballots interfering in the November election – a statement Trump presented to the cabinet room simultaneously.
- And Trump’s concerted push to delegitimize e-mail ballots is raising alarm bells among Republican operatives, who are concerned that the president’s demand to vote in person will primarily serve to diminish the turnout of his own supporters.
Trump’s attempts to recover have only aggravated the divorce and led to concerns that weighed on his party’s ability to move forward. Trump baffling the Washington establishment, Trump has shown little concern about the way his movements are forcing allies into awkward positions or alienating themselves from long-standing rules.
Far from the mere difference of “personality,” the examples of “no one likes” Trump this week suggested that a president actively isolate himself in his own bubble of conspiracy theories and questionable sciences, with fewer and fewer people willing. to intervene.
In an attempt to boost his mood, Trump advisers struggled to mount a small political event on a Florida tarmac on Friday, where Trump addressed mostly maskless people who were inches from each other. Other state events that Trump had scheduled for Saturday were canceled as the storm approached.
The event illustrated what White House officials describe as an ad-hoc effort to schedule appearances for Trump that would allow him to avoid at least one flattery, as campaign rallies remain on hold and after a conventional acceptance speech was face-to-face.
White House officials are still considering their options on how Trump will formally accept the candidacy, a person familiar with the planning said, including his assessment of places across the country where he can present a first-rate address. However, the task has proved difficult, as Trump insists on something dramatic as aides work to lower some of his expectations about the breadth of potential venues.
Aides says Trump has grown to recognize the extreme political danger he has created for himself less than 100 days before the election. When he talks to friends, his grievances are long and his complaints are broad, but his willingness or ability to alter the course seems minimal, according to the people who have spoken to him.
Trump has voiced versions of “nobody likes me” in recent months, these people said, describing a president on low abuse for a pandemic he feels he has little control over.
Speaking Thursday, Trump seemed reluctant to say that coronavirus cases will continue to rise, and said it’s probably not anyone’s fault, or that it’s all his fault.
“That’s how it is,” he said.
Instead of avoiding the question or denying knowledge about Trump’s tweet on Thursday that suggests an election delay – a tactic they had already fallen for when the president sent something awkward or embarrassing – almost every Republican this week they rejected the idea of the hand.
“I don’t think it’s a particularly good idea,” said Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham, the president’s informal adviser.
“I read it. I laughed. I thought my consumer was going to consume a lot of people,” GOP Sen. Kevin Cramer said. “A long time ago I stopped being amazed at the things other presidents do, but I also understand why he does it and why his base enjoys it so much.”
On Capitol Hill, the unfortunate election event unfolded, as did the administration’s proposal to include $ 1.75 billion for a new FBI building in a coronavirus relief package, a protracted solution for the president whom his opponents describe as ethically debatable.
Republicans simply declared it nonsensical in a bill aimed at extending unemployment to the millions of recently unemployed Americans whose lives have been crushed by an out-of-control pandemic.
“There are several unrelated things,” Republican Sen. John Cornyn said of the provision, which he said surprised him.
Senate Majority Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who also appeared to be caught up on the issue, called him a “non-German.” In the absence of any support, the White House said the new money would not be distributors.
However, on Wednesday, Trump’s isolation from the leaders of his own party – who hope to rescue what is forming a hard November – seemed to be cemented. Aboard Air Force One, Trump warned associates that he would not intervene in Kansas Republican primaries, even after hearing calls from both his political team and senior Republicans to seat him – and control Senate. – he was at risk if it was a conservative fire brigade. Kris Kobach wins.
The proposal came at another time of a president’s break-up that his political interests generally did not extend beyond his own interest. While his absence from Lewis’s funeral on Thursday was not a surprise, given the animosity between the two men, it also reflected Trump’s general impatience for the rituals of politics that do not revolve around him.
Aides never expected Trump to join his three most recent predecessors, Presidents Barack Obama, George W. Bush and Bill Clinton, at the funeral. But even some White House officials were shocked when Trump on Monday flatly rejected the prospect of traveling to the U.S. Capitol where Lewis’s state was. Some had quietly considered a quick trip to respect.
As it was, the three former presidents offered statements that could be read as an oblique reblanca of how Trump has approached the job everyone was doing.
“In America, John Lewis fought and in America where I believe, differences of opinion are inevitable elements and evidence of democracy in action,” said Bush, the most recent Republican president.
Denying traditional affirmation paths, Trump has begun to look elsewhere. Frustrated that his favorite TV channel Fox News is willing to interview Democrats, Trump has adopted the right-wing OAN as his favorite spot and spoke with the CEO of this week’s outing about hydroxychloroquine, the anti-malaria who insists on works to prevent coronavirus. .
While amid attempts by his aides to refocus on the pandemic, Trump continues to listen to a wide range of associates who undermine the administration’s health experts and question his approach to the pandemic, they say. people who know the conversations.
A group of doctors who have promoted hydroxychloroquine and questioning the decision to force blockades to contain the virus were invited to a meeting with Vice President Mike Pence at the White House on Wednesday, although a video of a press conference they delivered. from social media for violating anti-misinformation rules.